On Wednesday, Nikos Christodoulides gave his televised interview against two clear backdrops: his administration marking two years in power, and persistently alarming poll numbers for both himself and his government.

Poll results, consistently repeated over the past year by multiple polling firms, show near-identical figures of (non-)approval regarding the government's and president’s performance. Clearly, the problem isn't with the polls.

Thus, yesterday, the president had two options.

The first option was to engage in some self-criticism and admit to certain errors and shortcomings in his administration’s performance—the very errors and shortcomings, I assume, responsible for his declining popularity.

The second option was to proceed with the logic that essentially "everything was and is being done correctly," and whatever wasn’t achieved is due to chronic dysfunctions of the Cypriot state—a strategy he ultimately chose.

During the twenty minutes he spent enumerating all the "emblematic initiatives" of his government, it wouldn't have hurt to include two or three moments of genuine self-reflection, setting clear targets on where exactly the government needs to improve from this point onwards.

It is Mr. Christodoulides’s right to persistently defend his narrative. However, I am unaware of any governments that improved or regained voter trust when that same narrative, in its current form, has already been largely rejected by citizens.

The government should start with the basics. After all, grand narratives—those frequently reiterated by members of the government, such as Cyprus becoming a regional hub in education, technology, and defense, or the island becoming a strong player on the regional and European chessboard—presuppose countries that have already resolved basic human needs, like stable electricity and sufficient water supply. Cyprus currently has neither.

The administration is approaching the halfway point of its term. It’s not too late for a genuine restart. Beginning, obviously, with the overdue extensive cabinet reshuffle that must exclude ministers who clearly aren’t delivering.

Secondly, with updated objectives, spearheaded by radical reforms in state operations, institutional structures, and constitutional provisions.

Above all, by stepping decisively on the gas pedal and finally releasing the brakes—by actively taking initiatives, reversing indecision, swiftly recognizing and addressing problems, and disabling the autopilot mode under which the government appears to operate on several critical issues.

Only through this approach might the government start to replenish its political capital. No administration has ever gotten very far by appointing problematic cronies or expanding public payrolls—the times have changed, and so have the demands of the social majority.

Besides, without sufficient political capital, the government won't be able to make bold decisions on the Cyprus Issue if and when such decisions become necessary (though obviously, rationality from the other side is also required), especially if it chooses to move forward. After all, historically, governments' true intentions are judged at the end, not by their verbal commitments before real challenges arise.

Despite the President’s optimistic statements concerning the Cyprus Issue, the domestic climate ahead of the informal five-party summit in Geneva doesn't look particularly encouraging.

First, it was set ablaze by so-called “news reports” that were actually position papers with predetermined conclusions about USAID funds in Cyprus. Then came the government's deafening silence on the bicommunal "Imagine" program—a program Mr. Christodoulides himself championed a few years ago. And finally, there's the alarmist rhetoric and doom-mongering from certain MPs within parties that support the government regarding the upcoming Geneva talks.

Contrary to the president's dismissive stance toward poll results—which he wrongly seems not to take seriously—on the Cyprus Issue, it would actually benefit the country if he adopted precisely this attitude: closing his ears to the voices of the Faction of Stagnation.

What better fresh start could there be?

P.S.: One of the most significant aspects of the President’s interview—though it wasn’t highlighted by Cypriot media, perhaps for the better—was the discussion about how Cyprus positions itself in the major European debate concerning Turkey's potentially enhanced role in the continent's new security and defense architecture.

Two scenarios emerge here: The first is Cyprus informally exercising a “veto” on any such discussion from the outset, putting itself against major European countries that favor this new architecture, with the hope its "veto" won't ultimately be crushed. The second is for Cyprus to strategically leverage Turkey’s desire for an upgraded role in order to advance the Island’s interests in the Cyprus Issue negotiations, hoping to secure a more substantial outcome.

Which scenario realistically stands a better chance is something Mr. Christodoulides seems to know well, given his statement that Turkey’s desire for rapprochement with the EU is a tool Cyprus will utilize to restart negotiations. 

Clearly, the Faction of Stagnation will intensify its rhetoric in the coming period, especially on this matter. One can only hope that the other faction—the one that understands the historical dilemmas of our time and where the island's national interest truly lies—will do the same.